Sex secara solo islam-Surakarta - Wikipedia

Its built-up or metro area made of Surakarta Municipality and 59 districts spread on 7 regencies was home to 3,, inhabitants as of census. Surakarta is the birthplace of the current President of Indonesia, Joko Widodo. He served as Mayor of Surakarta from to In — there were only 12 wells in Surakarta. The total reservoir capacity is 9, m 3 ,, U.

Sex secara solo islam

Sex secara solo islam

Sex secara solo islam

Sex secara solo islam

Female circumcision in Indonesia has received little attention in the past decades, and we have to go Sex secara solo islam to the early 20th century to find solid documentation on the subject. Among the Malays around Medan circumcision was called soenat rasoel. It is considered a solp duty, "just like without baptism one is not a Christian, without soenat, people are considered half-Muslims" Schrieke : Clinics now offer the Swallowing therapy for throat cancer victimss of ear piercing tindikvaccination, and child delivery in one package. Jandra, et. Thus, there was no mention of female circumcision in Kutai, East Borneo, where male circumcision was linked to adat, for both islak and the common people Schrieke : No other reports confirm this "modernizing" trend.

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In: Archipel , volume 56, L'horizon nousantarien. Female circumcision in Indonesia has received little attention in the past decades, and we have to go back to the early 20th century to find solid documentation on the subject. The reason may be that the practice remains surrounded by a certain amount of secrecy in some regions but also that it is being minimized as a purely symbolic gesture, compared to the mutilating cliteroctomy known on the African continent.

As such, the practice in Indonesia would not be worthwhile discussing. Male circumcision in Indonesia has been a recent theme of research by Nico Kaptein, who showed that the traditional incision dating from pre- Islamic times has been progressively replaced by circumcision. This process was accelerated after a number of Meccan muftis, disapproving of mere incision, issued fatwas at the end of the 19th century.

Such a local practice, they warned, could result in grave consequences in the social, ritual, and eschatological domains. The indigenous technique of incision thus started disappearing in a number of places, a trend reinforced in this century by three factors : the influence of reformist Islam, which is keen on eradicating local customs ; medicalization ; and centralization, as expressed in the emergence of mass circumcision ceremonies.

Archipel 56, Paris, , pp. So far, female circumcision has been dealt with as a theme of research subsidiary to male circumcision. Today, at the time of the so-called Islamic revival, issues of concern to Muslim women are receiving increased attention and have been taken up in the press. The aim of this paper is to follow up on Dutch studies in the s to find out what evolution the practice has experienced this century.

Is female circumcision a pre-Islamic practice as is proven for male incision? Has it spread together with Islamization? Is the operation different from what it used to be? Has the age of practice changed? How is it perceived at the end of the 20th century?

The second part deals with the perception of female circumcision in the post-independence period, a subject which has received surprisingly little attention considering the fact that the practice seemed relatively widespread. In the third part, the current state of the practice is analyzed.

It was however, impossible to encompass the multitude of ethnic groups written about by the cited researchers. The fourth part gives the current standpoint of various Muslim organizations.

Historical data and terminology. The first assessments 17th - early 20th. The oldest testimony on female circumcision in the archipelago dates back to the end of the 17th century and is found in the Description historique du royaume de Macacar by the French author Nicolas Gervaise, the private tutor of two Makassar princes. Female Circumcision in Indonesia Gervaise says it is practiced "in secret", quietly while "men are never present". Different from boys - who are to sit on a buffalo head before the operation - the girls suffer less and are able to walk the following day.

The Dutch scholar Winter wrote in that girls in Surakarta Java were circumcised there at the age of 6 or 7 years, that "the part of the clitoris that is cut off is wrapped with a small piece of turmeric, or koenyit, Curcuma longa L. The ceremony is as solemn for girls as for boys circumcised at 15 , with the difference that offerings are to be tied with a red ribbon.

Some thirty years later, Riedel, a colonial administration official with a special interest in ethnography, wrote in that girls in Gorontalo were circumcised there between the ages of nine and fifteen, in a ceremony similar to the boys', but performed by a woman and with less ostentatious festivities.

Matthes, a Dutch linguist interested in South Celebes Sulawesi wrote in that Makassarese and Buginese girls were circumcised between the age of 3 and 7 years quietly with no ceremonies, and that men were strictly forbidden to be present, except maybe for the father. Only "a very very small part" of the clitoris was removed, "only so much that a drop of blood comes out". The ceremony was called kattang in Makassarese and katta in Buginese, meaning afschaven to plane.

It was performed by two women, one standing behind the girl. The Dutch specialist of Islamic law, L. He wrote that circumcision seemed to be a custom of Semitic people, based on hygiene, taken over in Islam, but not ordered by the Koran. It was the Dutch ethnographer G. Wilken who became the first, in , to make a thorough survey of the practice in the archipelago.

Ossenbruggen : He also concluded that girls were generally circumcised earlier than boys, that ceremonies generally accompanied these practices, although, at least in Gorontalo, they were much less important than for a boy's circumcision.

On the practice itself, Wilken noted that, in Java, a part of the clitoris was really removed, as proven from the terminology used in Javanese, namely putung-itil, which means a piece of the clitoris. For the Makassar and Buginese people, it seemed benign, as noted by Matthes v. Wilken acknowledged that nothing was known about other ethnic groups in the archipelago. However, he cited the German doctor Franz Epp 9 as the only source who spoke of "circumcision of the labia minora".

Wilken analysed the meaning and the population's acknowledged motives for this practice, introduced by Islam into the archipelago. Ossenbruggen : , or, at the very least, "people do not seem to. Referring to 19th century theories that, for women in Africa and Arabia, the practice was performed to remove genital "abnormalities" allegedly excessively large clitoris and labia minora , which might prevent normal intercourse, Wilken said that such a corrective purpose of female circumcision was unknown in the archipelago where " apart from some exceptions ", women do not suffer from such anomaly v.

Unfortunately, the Dutch ethnologist gave no indication as to the spread of the practice. Snouck Hurgronje was the first to ask this very question about Java.

In his Verspreide Geschriften, n the Dutch Islamologist wrote in that female circumcision was not widespread in Java : "Although it is also considered obligatory for girls, there are still many simple villagers who do not know this and thus do not have their daughters circumcised" Snouck Hurgronje : It was considered as a religious duty which, however, " like other duties, is neglected by the majority of indigenous people" Snouck : Snouck further confirmed Wilken's first observation that circumcision was a mode of entry into the Islamic community.

Snouck noted the singularity of this understanding given that, to become a Muslim, according to the texts, the recitation of the shahadat there is no God other than Allah and the Prophet is His messenger , followed by praying, is of greater relevance.

The Dutch colonial administrator gave little detail on the operation soenat in Java, goesaran in Sunda except that it consisted in " the removal or the reduction verkleinen of the praeputium, and of the corresponding part for the woman". Interestingly, Snouck noted a tendency to increased secrecy of the practice : Sundanese girls were circumcised at the same time as their teeth were being filed, so that their parents would speak only of the goesaran ceremony, a way of avoiding openly naming the operation Snouck Hurgronje : Javanese girls were now often circumcised the same.

The dukun was also the one helping with the delivery of the child Snouck Hurgronje : Yet, this trend to secrecy was absent among the Javanese priyayi, who gave a solemn ceremony for their daughters' circumcision, similar to that given for their sons.

Priyayi girls were circumcised indoors, and a special gamelan melody was played as a signal for the guests to know that the girl had undergone the operation Snouck Hurgronje : In Java, the age for female circumcision was between 2 and 8 years old, much earlier than boys at 14 or 15 , but it took place "earlier in santri and devout" circles. In his study on Aceh, first published in in Dutch , Snouck Hurgronje noted the even greater secrecy surrounding female circumcision there.

The women merely went to the teungku to ask for a one-time prayer fatihah carrying "a gift of yellow glutinous rice" but not a single word was spoken about the girl's circumcision. Schrieke' s work. The Dutch historian B. Schrieke gathered fieldwork reports written for this exhibition into articles that were published in and These reports represent an unparalleled source of information on female circumcision. Let us proceed to a tentative analysis of these reports.

The mode of operation does not differ greatly from region to region : it was performed by a female dukun, in the presence of women only - the exception being Ngawi Madiun, East Java , where the father and grand-father could be present. In none of the reports do we find information on the reaction of the girl circumcised. The amount of secrecy surrounding the event varies from strict secrecy in Aceh and Selat-Panjang ; among the Malays in Sintang and in the Upper Kapuas of Borneo ; in Ciamis, Sunda ; the Javanese santri often held a simple ceremonial meal ; among the Javanese aristocracy priyayi or in various sultanates, ceremonies as important as for boys were held for the girls.

The age at which the operation is performed varied also, from shortly after birth to before the age of Sometimes, differences in practices existed in the same neighborhood, so that a clear map of the regional differences is not possible. The following are the main points that can be noted on each region :. In Sunda, three reports mention female circumcision practiced at a very early age in Ciamis 7th or 40th day after birth , without ceremony and in great secrecy, and at 4 to 5 years old in Tasikmalaya Schrieke : A "scarification" with a knife or a needle was performed by a female dukun in Ciamis, a small "incision" in Tasikmalaya.

There, the girl was circumcised together with her brother, an observation already made by Snouck Hurgronje. In Java, female circumcision seemed to be relatively less systematic than in Sunda, but it still appeared to be a common practice in parts of Java. Banjarnegara Central Java , incision not full circumcision was reported for boys, but there was no mention of female circumcision.

In Kutoarjo near Purworejo girls were circumcised between 7 and 8 years old, in a "secret place". In Tegalsari at In Parakan, north of Magelang, it was facultative, and took place at the age of 5 or 6 years old, in a similar way as for boys but with less pomp, with no Koran recitation.

In Ungaran, south of Semarang, girls were circumcised shortly after birth or at 11 or 12 years old. In Demak, at around 5 years old. In Surakarta, at 5 or 8 years old through a rubbing over the clitoris wegkrabben. In Sragen, the report did not mention female circumcision. In Ngawi, north of Madiun in East Java, girls were circumcised between 6 and 9 years old, with a padi knife ani-ani or poegoei accompanied by a small ceremonial meal selamatan.

Another report from Ngawi spoke of the age of 8 to 10 years old, 4 years old in one case, or straight after birth. In Nganjuk, girls were circumcised before the age of 6.

In Mojowarno, it occurred at an earlier age than boys but " not all " girls underwent the operation. In Lawang, north of Malang, there was no report of female circumcision. In Blakang Padang Sambu island, in Riau , the report made no mention of female circumcision. In Indragiri, south of Riau, on the East coast of Sumatra, girls were circumcised " at the time of the first bath, that is at about 10 or 15 days". In Asahan, on the East coast of Sumatra, the age for girls' circumcision was 2 to 3 years boys In Deli Serdang, no female circumcision was reported for boys at about 5 years old, by a moedim bersoenat.

In Medan and its surroundings, Malay girls were circumcised when they were a few months old, but sometimes also at the age of 4 to 5 years.

Let us take a closer look at the case of Selat-Panjang on the East coast of Sumatra, south west of Batam and its surroundings, which is dealt with in a long report by Raden Seno Sastroamidjojo, who was then a medical doctor in the area. He reported that girls' circumcision was kept " as secret as possible" : "It is a matter between the mother and the daughter, and then between the circumciser and the girl.

Many fathers do not know when, where and by whom their daughters are circumcised".

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The launch of the online application AyoPoligami. In the past, polygamy campaigners such as Solo-born Puspo Wardoyo promoted their cause by presenting themselves as exemplary examples of polygamous men. This application, however, is primarily concerned with making the process of entering a polygamous marriage as easy as possible.

By simply ticking a box confirming that they have obtained permission from their first wife, men can get started. But AyoPolygami is not the only such app. Another, Nikahsirri. Thousands reportedly registered on the website in its first few days, suggesting widespread enthusiasm for these unregistered marriages. But despite the controversy they have created, there has been little discussion of the fact that unregistered marriage constitutes a criminal offence. Article of the Criminal Code KUHP , describes a penalty of five to seven years in prison for unregistered polygamous marriages.

Further, under Article 90 of the Law on Civil Administration, failure to register a registerable marriage carries a fine of Rp 1 million. The quotidian practices of polygamy and unregistered marriages, and the invention of these polygamy applications, show the discrepancy between law and practice. Beyond the legal concerns, these apps should also be understood in an environment of increasing cultural and religious concerns about sex, particularly extra-marital and premarital sex, and attempts to associate it with shame, guilt, and sin.

The popularity of polygamous and unregistered marriages also partly reflects the competing religious and secular definitions of marriage in the Marriage Law. This ambiguity creates space for the justification and commodification of informal marriages, especially when religious and cultural discourse associates sex outside wedlock with immorality and sin.

Nikah siri can therefore conform with Islamic religious requirements even if not recognised by the state. Under the Marriage Law and Compilation of Islamic Law KHI , polygamy is only allowed under certain conditions: if the wife is unable to perform her duties as a wife, if she suffers from physical defects or incurable diseases, or is incapable of reproduction. Men are also limited to a maximum of four wives. Even so, for a man to take on another wife, he must also obtain permission from his first wife or wives , demonstrate his commitment and capacity to fulfil the basic needs of his wives and children, and submit evidence of meeting all these conditions to a religious court.

Permission must be given by the court for a polygamous marriage not to constitute a criminal offence. Despite these requirements, however, scholars such as Nina Nurmila and Linda Rae Bennett have found that many Indonesian men continue to practice polygamy without the consent of their first wives and without meeting the stipulated conditions. Nurmila has also written about how the high numbers of unregistered marriages makes obtaining accurate data on polygamous marriages difficult. Unregistered religious marriages offer a convenient and strategic way to have what are often secret polygamous arrangements, or at least, to channel sexual desires without fear of committing a sin.

So despite the strong protections against polygamy in Indonesian law, these legal protections mean little if there is no significant transformation in the ways Indonesians view sexuality. And consequently, sexuality has become increasingly scrutinised, politicised and regulated, producing a narrow version of sexual morality.

This preoccupation with monitoring and regulating sexual morality through religious norms shows how Indonesians are actually obsessed with sex.

Through dominant cultural and religious discourse, the connections between fear, guilt, and shame of sex are reproduced. But people are not without agency. There are always multiple means to circumvent narrow views of morality. Many people seek religiously valid ways to channel their otherwise suppressed sexual desires, which are deemed sinful if expressed out of wedlock.

While unregistered marriages might not be recognised by the state, they provide a convenient means to channel sexual desires without violating strict religious norms. In a similar vein, polygamy, through its connection with nikah siri , can also be used to justify sex. The competing religious and legal definitions of marriage, combined with a shame and fear of sex or obsession with sex , in an increasingly religious Indonesia has provided new and fertile opportunities for business.

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Sex secara solo islam

Sex secara solo islam